When the Fields Become a Source of Poison: An Analysis of the Silent Crisis of Agricultural Pollution in Tunisia<\/title>\n \n <link rel=\"preconnect\" href=\"https:\/\/fonts.googleapis.com\">\n <link rel=\"preconnect\" href=\"https:\/\/fonts.gstatic.com\" crossorigin>\n <link href=\"https:\/\/fonts.googleapis.com\/css2?family=Inter:wght@400;500;700;800;900&display=swap\" rel=\"stylesheet\">\n \n <script src=\"https:\/\/cdn.jsdelivr.net\/npm\/chart.js\"><\/script>\n \n <link rel=\"stylesheet\" href=\"https:\/\/cdnjs.cloudflare.com\/ajax\/libs\/font-awesome\/6.4.0\/css\/all.min.css\">\n <style>\n :root {\n \/* Green gradients for light mode *\/\n --bg-body: #f4f7f6;\n --bg-card: #ffffff;\n --bg-header: #14532d;\n --text-main: #1e293b;\n --text-muted: #475569;\n --accent-primary: #166534; \/* Dark green for focus *\/\n --accent-gold: #22c55e; \/* Bright green for interactions *\/\n --border-color: #cbd5e1;\n --shadow-md: 0 4px 6px -1px rgba(0,0,0,0.1), 0 2px 4px -1px rgba(0,0,0,0.06);\n --shadow-lg: 0 10px 15px -3px rgba(0,0,0,0.1), 0 4px 6px -2px rgba(0,0,0,0.05);\n --radius-lg: 16px;\n --radius-md: 12px;\n }\n\n \/* Green gradients for dark mode - Pure white for text *\/\n [data-theme=\"dark\"] {\n --bg-body: #05100a;\n --bg-card: #0b1f14;\n --bg-header: #021a11;\n --text-main: #ffffff; 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\/* Dynamic height fills 70% of screen *\/\n width: 100%;\n border-radius: 0; \/* Sharp edges for full frame *\/\n overflow: hidden;\n border: none;\n background-color: var(--bg-header);\n transform-style: preserve-3d;\n \/* Initial 3D blurred state *\/\n transform: rotateX(12deg) scale(0.95) translateY(40px);\n filter: blur(15px) brightness(0.4);\n transition: transform 1.3s cubic-bezier(0.16, 1, 0.3, 1), filter 1.3s cubic-bezier(0.16, 1, 0.3, 1);\n }\n\n \/* When image enters viewport *\/\n .scroll-image-showcase.in-view .scroll-image-frame {\n transform: rotateX(0deg) scale(1) translateY(0px);\n filter: blur(0px) brightness(1);\n }\n\n .scroll-image-img {\n width: 100%;\n height: 100%;\n object-fit: cover;\n transition: transform 1.8s cubic-bezier(0.16, 1, 0.3, 1);\n }\n\n \/* Slow, smooth zoom on hover *\/\n .scroll-image-showcase:hover .scroll-image-img {\n transform: scale(1.05);\n }\n\n @media (max-width: 768px) {\n .hero h1 { font-size: 2.2rem; }\n .article-section h2 { font-size: 1.8rem; }\n .scroll-image-frame { height: 45vh; }\n .toc-top-container { width: 95%; padding: 20px; }\n .article-main { width: 92%; }\n .chart-canvas-wrapper { height: 300px; }\n }\n <\/style>\n<\/head>\n<body>\n\n \n <div id=\"reading-progress\"><\/div>\n\n \n <nav class=\"navbar\">\n <a href=\"#\" class=\"navbar-brand\">\n <i class=\"fa-solid fa-leaf\"><\/i>\n <span>Environmental Observatory<\/span>\n <\/a>\n <div class=\"navbar-tools\">\n <button class=\"tool-btn\" id=\"btn-theme\" title=\"Toggle Theme\">\n <i class=\"fa-solid fa-moon\"><\/i>\n <span class=\"btn-text\">Dark Mode<\/span>\n <\/button>\n <button class=\"tool-btn\" id=\"btn-font-dec\" title=\"Decrease Font\">A-<\/button>\n <button class=\"tool-btn\" id=\"btn-font-reset\" title=\"Default Font\">A<\/button>\n <button class=\"tool-btn\" id=\"btn-font-inc\" title=\"Increase Font\">A+<\/button>\n <\/div>\n <\/nav>\n\n \n <header class=\"hero\">\n <h1>When the Fields Become a Source of Poison: An Analysis of the Silent Crisis of Agricultural Pollution in Tunisia<\/h1>\n <\/header>\n\n \n <section class=\"toc-top-container\">\n <h3><i class=\"fa-solid fa-list-ul\"><\/i> Table of Contents<\/h3>\n <ul class=\"toc-grid\">\n <li><a href=\"#sec-intro\" onclick=\"scrollToSection('sec-intro')\"><i class=\"fa-solid fa-chevron-right\"><\/i> Introduction to the Crisis<\/a><\/li>\n <li><a href=\"#sec-north-south\" onclick=\"scrollToSection('sec-north-south')\"><i class=\"fa-solid fa-chevron-right\"><\/i> The North-South Relationship<\/a><\/li>\n <li><a href=\"#sec-basf\" onclick=\"scrollToSection('sec-basf')\"><i class=\"fa-solid fa-chevron-right\"><\/i> The BASF Scandal<\/a><\/li>\n <li><a href=\"#sec-justice\" onclick=\"scrollToSection('sec-justice')\"><i class=\"fa-solid fa-chevron-right\"><\/i> Rigid Judiciary & Disjointed Agencies<\/a><\/li>\n <li><a href=\"#sec-water\" onclick=\"scrollToSection('sec-water')\"><i class=\"fa-solid fa-chevron-right\"><\/i> Between Water Scarcity and Pollution<\/a><\/li>\n <li><a href=\"#sec-conclusion\" onclick=\"scrollToSection('sec-conclusion')\"><i class=\"fa-solid fa-chevron-right\"><\/i> Conclusion & Questions<\/a><\/li>\n <\/ul>\n <\/section>\n\n \n <main class=\"article-main\">\n\n <section id=\"sec-intro\" class=\"article-section\">\n <p>Last May, during a press conference, the Tunisian Association for Social Accountability presented a documentary study with an alarming title: \u201cAgricultural Pollution in Tunisia: Between the Rigidity of the Law and Shifts on the Ground.\u201d The study, conducted by the association in partnership with the German Friedrich Naumann Foundation, reached an unambiguous conclusion: agricultural pollution is no longer a temporary problem but has become a structural crisis that threatens the foundations of ecological balance, soil quality, the sustainability of water resources, and human health all at once.<\/p>\n <p>However, what the study does not elaborate on is that this crisis is not an isolated Tunisian issue, but rather part of a broader network of intertwined interests, stretching from major European chemical laboratories to the dockets of U.S. courts, and from the putrid banks of the Majarda Valley to the halls of the Tunisian parliament, where a new water law has been awaiting approval for years.<\/p>\n <p>This investigation seeks to place the study within its broader context, drawing on Tunisian and international journalistic investigations, court rulings, and official institutional statements, in order to reconstruct a complete picture of a phenomenon that, despite its gravity, remains on the margins of media and political discourse.<\/p>\n\n \n <div class=\"scroll-image-showcase\">\n <div class=\"scroll-image-frame\">\n <img decoding=\"async\" src=\"data:image\/svg+xml,%3Csvg%20xmlns%3D'http%3A%2F%2Fwww.w3.org%2F2000%2Fsvg'%20width='_w_'%20height='_h_'%20viewBox%3D'0%200%20_w_%20_h_'%2F%3E\" data-czlz data-src=\"https:\/\/accountability.tn\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/08\/Industrial_hand_pushing_pesticid\u2026_202608180216.jpeg\" alt=\"Agricultural land pollution\" class=\"scroll-image-img\">\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n \n <\/section>\n\n <section id=\"sec-north-south\" class=\"article-section\">\n <h2>The North-South Relationship: What Is Banned Domestically Is Permitted for Export<\/h2>\n <p>To understand the depth of the problem, one need only look back at an investigation published by the French newspaper *Le Monde* in May 2019, which revealed at the time that Tunisia ranks third globally\u2014after Laos and Cyprus\u2014among countries exporting agricultural products to Europe that contain traces of \u201cchlorpyrifos\u201d (Chlorpyrifos), an active ingredient in a number of insecticides. Scientific studies have shown that it causes delays in IQ development in children exposed to it through food.<\/p>\n <p>In a press statement, a Tunisian researcher at the Arab House of Wisdom Academy in Boukra explained a shocking paradox he identified following the publication of the French investigative report: that the substance \u201cchlorpyrifos\u201d had for years been present in five pesticides officially licensed by the Tunisian Ministry of Agriculture, as shown in the list of pesticides authorized by the Ministry of Agriculture in 2017.<\/p>\n <p>The researcher asks:<br> \u201cWhere is the Farmers\u2019 Union? Why isn\u2019t it taking action when it knows how dangerous chlorpyrifos is? Does this affect certain interests?\u201d<\/p>\n <p>The question was not merely rhetorical; it was an accurate assessment, borne out by an examination of how agricultural extension services operate in Tunisia\u2014services that are supposed to be independent of pesticide sales interests but have, in many cases, become part of the very same commercial interest network.<\/p>\n <p>This local reality is not an exception; rather, it is the Tunisian manifestation of a global phenomenon documented in a joint international investigation published in December 2025 by the organizations \u201cPublic Eye\u201d and \u201cUnearthed,\u201d which revealed that in 2024 alone, European Union countries and their chemical companies exported approximately 122,000 metric tons of agricultural pesticides banned for use within the European Union to dozens of low- and middle-income countries.<\/p>\n <p>The report also documented the export of 75 types of banned pesticides to 93 countries around the world, with the African continent alone receiving nearly 9,000 metric tons of these substances in a single year.<\/p>\n <p>It is noteworthy that the exporting countries are Switzerland, France, Germany, Belgium, Spain, and the Netherlands\u2014that is, the very same countries that ban the use of these substances on their own territory and enforce strict standards regarding their imports of agricultural products, while allowing their companies to manufacture and sell them to markets in the Global South. This is what researchers call \u201cdouble standards in the trade of agricultural toxins.\u201d<\/p>\n \n \n <div class=\"scroll-image-showcase\">\n <div class=\"scroll-image-frame\">\n <img decoding=\"async\" src=\"data:image\/svg+xml,%3Csvg%20xmlns%3D'http%3A%2F%2Fwww.w3.org%2F2000%2Fsvg'%20width='_w_'%20height='_h_'%20viewBox%3D'0%200%20_w_%20_h_'%2F%3E\" data-czlz data-src=\"https:\/\/accountability.tn\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/08\/Farmer_and_industrial_machinery_\u2026_202608180216.jpeg\" alt=\"Chemical pesticides\" class=\"scroll-image-img\">\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n \n <\/section>\n\n <section id=\"sec-basf\" class=\"article-section\">\n <h2>The BASF Scandal<\/h2>\n <p>While the Social Accountability Association\u2019s study established the analytical framework for the problem, other studies and news reports\u2014including an article published by the Tunisian newspaper *Al-Sabah* under the headline \u201cA Major Health Scandal\u2026 Carcinogenic Agricultural Pesticides Sold to Tunisians,\u201d all went beyond mere description to pose direct and explicit questions to one of the world\u2019s largest chemical companies, the German firm BASF.<\/p>\n <p>According to official reports, it has been established that large quantities of agricultural pesticides\u2014classified as carcinogenic, with harm to humans and the environment confirmed in laboratory tests, and effectively banned in the United States and throughout the European Union\u2014 are still being sold on a large scale to Tunisian farmers, with the knowledge of and sometimes with the tacit approval of the Ministries of Agriculture and Health, despite the fact that they have received (the two ministries) having received official correspondence from the Tunisian Union for Agriculture and Fisheries explicitly demanding a halt to the import and use of such products, without any official response to that correspondence.<\/p>\n <p>The story dates back to 2015, when Monsanto introduced genetically modified seeds resistant to the herbicide \u201cDicamba,\u201d and BASF then became a key partner in marketing the herbicide designed for these crops.<\/p>\n <p>Both companies assured farmers and regulatory authorities that the new formulation of Dicamba was more stable and less likely to drift outside the targeted fields.<\/p>\n <p>However, complaints soon began to surface from thousands of farmers in the United States regarding the phenomenon of \u201cpesticide drift,\u201d in which dicamba particles were carried through the air to neighboring fields, causing widespread damage to crops that were not resistant to it.<\/p>\n <p>U.S. reports estimated that thousands of hectares of farmland were damaged within just a few years of the product\u2019s introduction.<\/p>\n <p>In 2020, a U.S. jury found BASF, Bayer, and other companies liable in a lawsuit filed by American peach farmer Bill Bader, who claimed that the herbicide Dicamba caused severe damage to his crops and fruit trees in Missouri. The court ruled in his favor, awarding him massive damages against the two companies, before the legal battle continued through subsequent appeals.<\/p>\n <p>The significance of this issue for Tunisia lies in the fact that it highlights a broader problem that goes beyond Dicamba itself: the question of multinational corporations\u2019 responsibility for marketing hazardous or controversial pesticides in the Global South, and the actual capacity of countries to conduct independent risk assessments rather than relying solely on the documentation provided by manufacturers.<\/p>\n <p>BASF was also among the companies that faced criticism from international environmental organizations for continuing to export certain chemicals to markets outside Europe\u2014including Tunisia\u2014despite stricter restrictions on them within the European Union. This is the same controversy that is currently being raised in Tunisia regarding pesticides classified as \u201chighly hazardous\u201d and in use in the agricultural sector.<\/p>\n <\/section>\n\n <section id=\"sec-justice\" class=\"article-section\">\n <h2>A Rigid Judicial System, Disjointed Agencies, and Diffused Responsibility<\/h2>\n <p>Beyond academic studies and media reports, the Tunisian judiciary itself has provided concrete evidence of the scale of the complex problem surrounding the relationship between agricultural activities and companies that distribute pesticides and chemical fertilizers. In March 2026, the Criminal Chamber of the Tunis Court of Appeals\u2014which specializes in financial corruption cases\u2014handed down sentences ranging from 8 to 9 years in prison against a number of businessmen in a case involving the sale of expired agricultural pesticides. This reveals that the issue is no longer merely an administrative breach of standards, but has escalated to the level of crimes that threaten food security and expose criminal practices that show no regard whatsoever for human and animal health or for agricultural and aquatic resources.<\/p>\n <p>Although the ruling relates to the sale of expired substances and comes within a complex and multifaceted political context, it raises a fundamental question about whether the Tunisian judiciary is capable of issuing such strict rulings regarding the thousands of metric tons of pesticides being sold under the cover of Tunisian law, despite their containing banned active ingredients.<\/p>\n <p>Given the importance of this question, the Social Accountability Association sought to address it, attributing it to a fundamental distinction between a clear, specific crime\u2014such as the sale of a spoiled or expired product\u2014and an indirect crime, such as authorizing a hazardous substance within a fully legal commercial cycle. This distinction explains why Tunisia\u2019s legislative framework, despite the multitude of relevant provisions, remains unable to address both the most significant and the less obvious risks.<\/p>\n <p>Against the backdrop of this crisis-ridden institutional context, the findings of the Social Accountability Association\u2019s study take on added significance and hold Tunisian government agencies\u2014including the judiciary\u2014accountable for their responsibilities to protect the environment and safeguard the rights of future generations.<\/p>\n <p>The study documented that Tunisia imported approximately 4,161 metric tons of pesticides in 2022 alone, according to the \u201cPesticide Atlas\u201d published by the Heinrich B\u00f6ll Foundation, whereas officially declared consumption does not exceed 985 metric tons, according to the Food and Agriculture Organization. This huge gap is explained, according to the study, by weak tracking systems and the existence of informal distribution channels.<\/p>\n \n \n <div class=\"chart-box\">\n <div class=\"chart-header\">\n <h4><i class=\"fa-solid fa-chart-column\"><\/i> Gap Between Imported and Officially Declared Pesticide Quantities (2022)<\/h4>\n <span class=\"chart-badge\">Interactive<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <div class=\"chart-canvas-wrapper\">\n <canvas id=\"chartPesticidesGap\"><\/canvas>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n\n <p>In addition, the study documented the presence of 44 highly hazardous active ingredients that remain approved or are still on the market in Tunisia, including chlorpyrifos itself, which *Le Monde* had documented years ago.<\/p>\n <p>From a public health perspective, the study was based on a clinical study that reviewed forensic medical records at Farhat Hached Hospital in Sousse, identifying 130 deaths caused by pesticide poisoning between 1991 and 2009, representing 41.9% of all fatal poisoning deaths during that period, It should be noted that 92.3% of these deaths occurred in the context of apparent suicide, which necessitates expanding the analysis from physiological toxicity to the social accessibility of these lethal substances in rural communities plagued by vulnerability and unemployment.<\/p>\n <p>As for chronic occupational exposure, a scientific study involving 142 agricultural workers found that 66.2% of them suffered from frequent headaches, and 58.4% from eye irritation, with blood tests showing a significant decrease in red blood cell and platelet counts among workers continuously exposed to pesticides.<\/p>\n <p>Even more alarming is that 48.6% of these workers do not use any personal protective equipment at all, and 71.1% of them do not even know what such equipment is, while 96.5% of them receive their agricultural guidance from the pesticide sellers themselves, rather than from specialized engineers or technicians. This brings back to the forefront the question raised years ago by Arab researcher Bouqra regarding the need to separate agricultural guidance from the direct commercial interests associated with the sale of these materials.<\/p>\n\n \n <div class=\"chart-box\">\n <div class=\"chart-header\">\n <h4><i class=\"fa-solid fa-user-injured\"><\/i> Health Impacts and Lack of Awareness\/Protection Among Agricultural Workers<\/h4>\n <span class=\"chart-badge\">Interactive<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <div class=\"chart-canvas-wrapper\">\n <canvas id=\"chartWorkersHealth\"><\/canvas>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n\n <p>One of the most striking examples of the inability of Tunisia\u2019s official institutions to address this issue is the fate of the Tunisian \u201cEnvironmental Police,\u201d which was effectively established in 2017 with the aim of combating pollution and protecting the environment, and whose officers were granted the authority to conduct inspections, issue citations, and impose fines.<\/p>\n <p>However, this agency\u2014which emerged from the chaos that gripped the country following the 2011 revolution due to the erosion of the state\u2019s regulatory authority\u2014has, from its inception, faced jurisdictional conflicts with other agencies such as the municipal police, the Forest Protection Units under the Ministry of Agriculture, and others in the absence of a clear enabling law that defines and regulates the division of responsibilities among them.<\/p>\n <p>On February 24, 2023, Presidential Decree No. 5 of 2023 was issued, providing for the abolition of the Environmental Police Agency in its current form and authorizing sworn and qualified officers from local authorities\u2014to be trained by the Ministry of the Interior\u2014to carry out the same duties.<\/p>\n <p>Commenting on this decision, Tunisian experts\u2014including Hatem Al-Maliki, an expert in local governance\u2014noted in a press statement that \u201cDecrees No. 5 and No. 9 of 2023 contributed to the dissolution of the environmental police, which had become \u2018a branch without a charter, lost amid overlapping responsibilities, amid ongoing ambiguity and the absence of a basic legal text that precisely defines the structures and agencies involved in monitoring and deterring municipal and environmental violations,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n <p>The result, according to numerous reports, is that an agency established to address a real environmental challenge was dissolved after only six years without being replaced by any clearly defined institutional reform, leaving a regulatory vacuum at a time when scientifically documented levels of agricultural pollution are on the rise.<\/p>\n\n \n <div class=\"scroll-image-showcase\">\n <div class=\"scroll-image-frame\">\n <img decoding=\"async\" src=\"data:image\/svg+xml,%3Csvg%20xmlns%3D'http%3A%2F%2Fwww.w3.org%2F2000%2Fsvg'%20width='_w_'%20height='_h_'%20viewBox%3D'0%200%20_w_%20_h_'%2F%3E\" data-czlz data-src=\"https:\/\/accountability.tn\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/08\/Industrial_hand_pushing_pesticid\u2026_2K_202608180216-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Farmers and pesticides\" class=\"scroll-image-img\">\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n \n <\/section>\n\n <section id=\"sec-water\" class=\"article-section\">\n <h2>At the Heart of the Contradictions: Between Water Scarcity and Water Pollution<\/h2>\n <p>Among all the sites that epitomize Tunisia\u2019s agricultural pollution crisis, the Majarda Valley stands out as a prime example. This river, which originates in Souk Ahras, Algeria, and flows 350 kilometers through Tunisian territory before emptying into the Gulf of Tunis, provides approximately 811 million cubic meters of water annually, and is considered the country\u2019s only permanent water source, making it the lifeblood of agriculture and water supply for the entire northern region of Tunisia.<\/p>\n <p>However, on-the-ground observations, official reports, and reports from nongovernmental organizations such as the Tunisian Nomad Association reveal a dangerous paradox: treated water\u2014which is supposed to be part of the solution in a country suffering from water scarcity\u2014has in fact become one of the main sources of pollution in the Majarda Valley.<\/p>\n <p>A study conducted by the Tunisian Water Observatory indicates that more than 60% of this water does not meet standards, and that the National Agency for the Protection of the Environment, which has been legally responsible for monitoring wastewater treatment plants since their establishment in 1988, did not actually conduct any monitoring of these plants until 2011\u201423 years after its founding. This means that, for more than two decades, Tunisia had no documented data on the composition of the water discharged into the valley, which irrigates tens of thousands of hectares and feeds several dams that supply the population with potable water.<\/p>\n \n \n <div class=\"chart-box\">\n <div class=\"chart-header\">\n <h4><i class=\"fa-solid fa-droplet\"><\/i> Quality of Treated Water Directed to the Majarda Valley<\/h4>\n <span class=\"chart-badge\">Interactive<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <div class=\"chart-canvas-wrapper\" style=\"height: 300px;\">\n <canvas id=\"chartWaterPollution\"><\/canvas>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n\n <p>To make matters worse, this environmental crisis coincides with an existential water crisis that Tunisia has been facing for years. According to consistent reports, the fill level of Tunisian dams fell below 28% in early 2023\u2014a level the country has not seen since at least 1960 \u2014while the per capita water supply in Tunisia has dropped to between 350 and 450 cubic meters per year, which is below the threshold recommended by the World Health Organization (between 500 and 700 cubic meters), and below the \u201cwater scarcity\u201d threshold of 1,000 cubic meters.<\/p>\n <p>In this context, the chemical pollution of already scarce water resources becomes a double crime, as scarce water is being contaminated with chemicals at a time when the country needs every drop of it.<\/p>\n <p>This reality echoes the warning issued by the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights in a report released in early 2024, which described Tunisia as \u201cone of the water-poor countries\u201d due to a combination of drought, increased consumption, climate change, and the excessive use of water in non-essential sectors.<\/p>\n <p>Amid this bleak picture, Tunisia also presents itself as a strikingly contradictory case: it is, at the same time, the world\u2019s leading exporter of organic olive oil, where, according to recent Tunisian press reports, the value of Tunisian organic product exports is projected to reach approximately 750 million dinars in 2025, driven primarily by growing demand for organic olive oil in European and American markets, while pesticide use is limited, according to officials at the Ministry of Agriculture, to only 5% of the 2 million hectares planted with olive trees.<\/p>\n \n \n <div class=\"chart-box\">\n <div class=\"chart-header\">\n <h4><i class=\"fa-solid fa-tree\"><\/i> Reliance on Pesticides in Olive Tree Cultivation Areas<\/h4>\n <span class=\"chart-badge\">Interactive<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <div class=\"chart-canvas-wrapper\" style=\"height: 300px;\">\n <canvas id=\"chartOlivePesticides\"><\/canvas>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n\n <p>This partial success in reducing the use of chemicals in olive cultivation raises a perplexing question: If Tunisia is capable of achieving this level of excellence in the organic olive sector, why does this model remain confined to a narrow segment of agricultural production, while the rest of the sectors\u2014from vegetables to fruits to major crops\u2014continue to rely on an intensive use of chemical inputs?<\/p>\n <p>In fact, the answer lies in the financial returns generated by increased production of olive oil for export and the high added value it brings to the Tunisian economy, but this presents us with another dilemma.<\/p>\n <p>Historically, the olive tree in Tunisia has been regarded as the \u201cblessed tree,\u201d not only because of its cultural and historical symbolism, but also because it represents one of the most important pillars of the agricultural economy.<\/p>\n <p>Tunisia has more than 100 million olive trees covering nearly one-third of its agricultural land and is one of the world\u2019s largest producers and exporters of olive oil; however, this status masks an important paradox: Olives have long been considered a drought-tolerant crop, but changes in the sector over recent decades have led to an increasing portion of production relying on intensive irrigation.<\/p>\n <p>In the past, the overwhelming majority of olive groves were grown using rain-fed methods (without regular irrigation), especially in the central and southern regions, Today, with the focus on increasing productivity, improving yields, and boosting exports, irrigated olive cultivation has expanded significantly to the point where it now dominates in terms of area, particularly in the coastal regions and the northeast.<\/p>\n <p>These contradictions place Tunisia at the center of a complex crisis involving an agricultural sector that relies on irrigated crops\u2014including olive groves\u2014and consumes approximately 80% of water resources, and a drought crisis that requires practical plans to conserve water resources, as well as the risks of contamination from the use of pesticides and fertilizers containing hazardous active ingredients that threaten the remaining water supplies.<\/p>\n\n \n <div class=\"scroll-image-showcase\">\n <div class=\"scroll-image-frame\">\n <img decoding=\"async\" src=\"data:image\/svg+xml,%3Csvg%20xmlns%3D'http%3A%2F%2Fwww.w3.org%2F2000%2Fsvg'%20width='_w_'%20height='_h_'%20viewBox%3D'0%200%20_w_%20_h_'%2F%3E\" data-czlz data-src=\"https:\/\/accountability.tn\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/08\/Collage_depicting_water_scarcity\u2026_202608180216.jpeg\" alt=\"Water resource pollution\" class=\"scroll-image-img\">\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n \n <\/section>\n\n <section id=\"sec-conclusion\" class=\"article-section\">\n <p>What becomes clear when reading the original study alongside journalistic investigations, court rulings, and international reports is that agricultural pollution in Tunisia is not merely a \u201cgap between law and practice\u201d\u2014as the study cautiously describes it\u2014but rather the result of an integrated cycle of intertwined interests: Global chemical companies that profit from exporting what they ban on their own soil; local distributors who have effectively become \u201cagricultural advisors\u201d; regulatory bodies that are created and then dissolved without any real reform; and farmers who, along with consumers and future generations, bear the health and environmental costs of a system they did not design and have no power to change.<\/p>\n <p>The question raised by this investigation\u2014going beyond the conclusions of the original study\u2014is not only regarding the relationship between ownership and the existence of political will for reform, but also extends to examining who truly benefits from the continuation of this situation? And why do institutions act swiftly and strictly when it comes to expired pesticides (with prison sentences of up to nine years), while they deal with dangerous but legally licensed active ingredients with utter slowness? And can the successful organic model in the olive sector become a genuine political catalyst for comprehensive agricultural transformation, or will it remain a limited export exception in a sea of chemical dependency?<\/p>\n <\/section>\n\n <\/main>\n\n \n <script>\n \/\/ 1. 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\n\t\t\t\t\t\n\n\n\n \n \n When the Fields Become a Source of Poison: An Analysis of the Silent Crisis of Agricultural Pollution in Tunisia<\/title>\n \n <link rel=\"preconnect\" href=\"https:\/\/fonts.googleapis.com\">\n <link rel=\"preconnect\" href=\"https:\/\/fonts.gstatic.com\" crossorigin>\n <link href=\"https:\/\/fonts.googleapis.com\/css2?family=Inter:wght@400;500;700;800;900&display=swap\" rel=\"stylesheet\">\n \n <script src=\"https:\/\/cdn.jsdelivr.net\/npm\/chart.js\"><\/script>\n \n <link rel=\"stylesheet\" href=\"https:\/\/cdnjs.cloudflare.com\/ajax\/libs\/font-awesome\/6.4.0\/css\/all.min.css\">\n <style>\n :root {\n \/* Green gradients for light mode *\/\n --bg-body: #f4f7f6;\n --bg-card: #ffffff;\n --bg-header: #14532d;\n --text-main: #1e293b;\n --text-muted: #475569;\n --accent-primary: #166534; \/* Dark green for focus *\/\n --accent-gold: #22c55e; \/* Bright green for interactions *\/\n --border-color: #cbd5e1;\n --shadow-md: 0 4px 6px -1px rgba(0,0,0,0.1), 0 2px 4px -1px rgba(0,0,0,0.06);\n --shadow-lg: 0 10px 15px -3px rgba(0,0,0,0.1), 0 4px 6px -2px rgba(0,0,0,0.05);\n --radius-lg: 16px;\n --radius-md: 12px;\n }\n\n \/* Green gradients for dark mode - Pure white for text *\/\n [data-theme=\"dark\"] {\n --bg-body: #05100a;\n --bg-card: #0b1f14;\n --bg-header: #021a11;\n --text-main: #ffffff; 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\/* Dynamic height fills 70% of screen *\/\n width: 100%;\n border-radius: 0; \/* Sharp edges for full frame *\/\n overflow: hidden;\n border: none;\n background-color: var(--bg-header);\n transform-style: preserve-3d;\n \/* Initial 3D blurred state *\/\n transform: rotateX(12deg) scale(0.95) translateY(40px);\n filter: blur(15px) brightness(0.4);\n transition: transform 1.3s cubic-bezier(0.16, 1, 0.3, 1), filter 1.3s cubic-bezier(0.16, 1, 0.3, 1);\n }\n\n \/* When image enters viewport *\/\n .scroll-image-showcase.in-view .scroll-image-frame {\n transform: rotateX(0deg) scale(1) translateY(0px);\n filter: blur(0px) brightness(1);\n }\n\n .scroll-image-img {\n width: 100%;\n height: 100%;\n object-fit: cover;\n transition: transform 1.8s cubic-bezier(0.16, 1, 0.3, 1);\n }\n\n \/* Slow, smooth zoom on hover *\/\n .scroll-image-showcase:hover .scroll-image-img {\n transform: scale(1.05);\n }\n\n @media (max-width: 768px) {\n .hero h1 { font-size: 2.2rem; }\n .article-section h2 { font-size: 1.8rem; }\n .scroll-image-frame { height: 45vh; }\n .toc-top-container { width: 95%; padding: 20px; }\n .article-main { width: 92%; }\n .chart-canvas-wrapper { height: 300px; }\n }\n <\/style>\n<\/head>\n<body>\n\n \n <div id=\"reading-progress\"><\/div>\n\n \n <nav class=\"navbar\">\n <a href=\"#\" class=\"navbar-brand\">\n <i class=\"fa-solid fa-leaf\"><\/i>\n <span>Environmental Observatory<\/span>\n <\/a>\n <div class=\"navbar-tools\">\n <button class=\"tool-btn\" id=\"btn-theme\" title=\"Toggle Theme\">\n <i class=\"fa-solid fa-moon\"><\/i>\n <span class=\"btn-text\">Dark Mode<\/span>\n <\/button>\n <button class=\"tool-btn\" id=\"btn-font-dec\" title=\"Decrease Font\">A-<\/button>\n <button class=\"tool-btn\" id=\"btn-font-reset\" title=\"Default Font\">A<\/button>\n <button class=\"tool-btn\" id=\"btn-font-inc\" title=\"Increase Font\">A+<\/button>\n <\/div>\n <\/nav>\n\n \n <header class=\"hero\">\n <h1>When the Fields Become a Source of Poison: An Analysis of the Silent Crisis of Agricultural Pollution in Tunisia<\/h1>\n <\/header>\n\n \n <section class=\"toc-top-container\">\n <h3><i class=\"fa-solid fa-list-ul\"><\/i> Table of Contents<\/h3>\n <ul class=\"toc-grid\">\n <li><a href=\"#sec-intro\" onclick=\"scrollToSection('sec-intro')\"><i class=\"fa-solid fa-chevron-right\"><\/i> Introduction to the Crisis<\/a><\/li>\n <li><a href=\"#sec-north-south\" onclick=\"scrollToSection('sec-north-south')\"><i class=\"fa-solid fa-chevron-right\"><\/i> The North-South Relationship<\/a><\/li>\n <li><a href=\"#sec-basf\" onclick=\"scrollToSection('sec-basf')\"><i class=\"fa-solid fa-chevron-right\"><\/i> The BASF Scandal<\/a><\/li>\n <li><a href=\"#sec-justice\" onclick=\"scrollToSection('sec-justice')\"><i class=\"fa-solid fa-chevron-right\"><\/i> Rigid Judiciary & Disjointed Agencies<\/a><\/li>\n <li><a href=\"#sec-water\" onclick=\"scrollToSection('sec-water')\"><i class=\"fa-solid fa-chevron-right\"><\/i> Between Water Scarcity and Pollution<\/a><\/li>\n <li><a href=\"#sec-conclusion\" onclick=\"scrollToSection('sec-conclusion')\"><i class=\"fa-solid fa-chevron-right\"><\/i> Conclusion & Questions<\/a><\/li>\n <\/ul>\n <\/section>\n\n \n <main class=\"article-main\">\n\n <section id=\"sec-intro\" class=\"article-section\">\n <p>Last May, during a press conference, the Tunisian Association for Social Accountability presented a documentary study with an alarming title: \u201cAgricultural Pollution in Tunisia: Between the Rigidity of the Law and Shifts on the Ground.\u201d The study, conducted by the association in partnership with the German Friedrich Naumann Foundation, reached an unambiguous conclusion: agricultural pollution is no longer a temporary problem but has become a structural crisis that threatens the foundations of ecological balance, soil quality, the sustainability of water resources, and human health all at once.<\/p>\n <p>However, what the study does not elaborate on is that this crisis is not an isolated Tunisian issue, but rather part of a broader network of intertwined interests, stretching from major European chemical laboratories to the dockets of U.S. courts, and from the putrid banks of the Majarda Valley to the halls of the Tunisian parliament, where a new water law has been awaiting approval for years.<\/p>\n <p>This investigation seeks to place the study within its broader context, drawing on Tunisian and international journalistic investigations, court rulings, and official institutional statements, in order to reconstruct a complete picture of a phenomenon that, despite its gravity, remains on the margins of media and political discourse.<\/p>\n\n \n <div class=\"scroll-image-showcase\">\n <div class=\"scroll-image-frame\">\n <img decoding=\"async\" src=\"data:image\/svg+xml,%3Csvg%20xmlns%3D'http%3A%2F%2Fwww.w3.org%2F2000%2Fsvg'%20width='_w_'%20height='_h_'%20viewBox%3D'0%200%20_w_%20_h_'%2F%3E\" data-czlz data-src=\"https:\/\/accountability.tn\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/08\/Industrial_hand_pushing_pesticid\u2026_202608180216.jpeg\" alt=\"Agricultural land pollution\" class=\"scroll-image-img\">\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n \n <\/section>\n\n <section id=\"sec-north-south\" class=\"article-section\">\n <h2>The North-South Relationship: What Is Banned Domestically Is Permitted for Export<\/h2>\n <p>To understand the depth of the problem, one need only look back at an investigation published by the French newspaper *Le Monde* in May 2019, which revealed at the time that Tunisia ranks third globally\u2014after Laos and Cyprus\u2014among countries exporting agricultural products to Europe that contain traces of \u201cchlorpyrifos\u201d (Chlorpyrifos), an active ingredient in a number of insecticides. Scientific studies have shown that it causes delays in IQ development in children exposed to it through food.<\/p>\n <p>In a press statement, a Tunisian researcher at the Arab House of Wisdom Academy in Boukra explained a shocking paradox he identified following the publication of the French investigative report: that the substance \u201cchlorpyrifos\u201d had for years been present in five pesticides officially licensed by the Tunisian Ministry of Agriculture, as shown in the list of pesticides authorized by the Ministry of Agriculture in 2017.<\/p>\n <p>The researcher asks:<br> \u201cWhere is the Farmers\u2019 Union? Why isn\u2019t it taking action when it knows how dangerous chlorpyrifos is? Does this affect certain interests?\u201d<\/p>\n <p>The question was not merely rhetorical; it was an accurate assessment, borne out by an examination of how agricultural extension services operate in Tunisia\u2014services that are supposed to be independent of pesticide sales interests but have, in many cases, become part of the very same commercial interest network.<\/p>\n <p>This local reality is not an exception; rather, it is the Tunisian manifestation of a global phenomenon documented in a joint international investigation published in December 2025 by the organizations \u201cPublic Eye\u201d and \u201cUnearthed,\u201d which revealed that in 2024 alone, European Union countries and their chemical companies exported approximately 122,000 metric tons of agricultural pesticides banned for use within the European Union to dozens of low- and middle-income countries.<\/p>\n <p>The report also documented the export of 75 types of banned pesticides to 93 countries around the world, with the African continent alone receiving nearly 9,000 metric tons of these substances in a single year.<\/p>\n <p>It is noteworthy that the exporting countries are Switzerland, France, Germany, Belgium, Spain, and the Netherlands\u2014that is, the very same countries that ban the use of these substances on their own territory and enforce strict standards regarding their imports of agricultural products, while allowing their companies to manufacture and sell them to markets in the Global South. This is what researchers call \u201cdouble standards in the trade of agricultural toxins.\u201d<\/p>\n \n \n <div class=\"scroll-image-showcase\">\n <div class=\"scroll-image-frame\">\n <img decoding=\"async\" src=\"data:image\/svg+xml,%3Csvg%20xmlns%3D'http%3A%2F%2Fwww.w3.org%2F2000%2Fsvg'%20width='_w_'%20height='_h_'%20viewBox%3D'0%200%20_w_%20_h_'%2F%3E\" data-czlz data-src=\"https:\/\/accountability.tn\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/08\/Farmer_and_industrial_machinery_\u2026_202608180216.jpeg\" alt=\"Chemical pesticides\" class=\"scroll-image-img\">\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n \n <\/section>\n\n <section id=\"sec-basf\" class=\"article-section\">\n <h2>The BASF Scandal<\/h2>\n <p>While the Social Accountability Association\u2019s study established the analytical framework for the problem, other studies and news reports\u2014including an article published by the Tunisian newspaper *Al-Sabah* under the headline \u201cA Major Health Scandal\u2026 Carcinogenic Agricultural Pesticides Sold to Tunisians,\u201d all went beyond mere description to pose direct and explicit questions to one of the world\u2019s largest chemical companies, the German firm BASF.<\/p>\n <p>According to official reports, it has been established that large quantities of agricultural pesticides\u2014classified as carcinogenic, with harm to humans and the environment confirmed in laboratory tests, and effectively banned in the United States and throughout the European Union\u2014 are still being sold on a large scale to Tunisian farmers, with the knowledge of and sometimes with the tacit approval of the Ministries of Agriculture and Health, despite the fact that they have received (the two ministries) having received official correspondence from the Tunisian Union for Agriculture and Fisheries explicitly demanding a halt to the import and use of such products, without any official response to that correspondence.<\/p>\n <p>The story dates back to 2015, when Monsanto introduced genetically modified seeds resistant to the herbicide \u201cDicamba,\u201d and BASF then became a key partner in marketing the herbicide designed for these crops.<\/p>\n <p>Both companies assured farmers and regulatory authorities that the new formulation of Dicamba was more stable and less likely to drift outside the targeted fields.<\/p>\n <p>However, complaints soon began to surface from thousands of farmers in the United States regarding the phenomenon of \u201cpesticide drift,\u201d in which dicamba particles were carried through the air to neighboring fields, causing widespread damage to crops that were not resistant to it.<\/p>\n <p>U.S. reports estimated that thousands of hectares of farmland were damaged within just a few years of the product\u2019s introduction.<\/p>\n <p>In 2020, a U.S. jury found BASF, Bayer, and other companies liable in a lawsuit filed by American peach farmer Bill Bader, who claimed that the herbicide Dicamba caused severe damage to his crops and fruit trees in Missouri. The court ruled in his favor, awarding him massive damages against the two companies, before the legal battle continued through subsequent appeals.<\/p>\n <p>The significance of this issue for Tunisia lies in the fact that it highlights a broader problem that goes beyond Dicamba itself: the question of multinational corporations\u2019 responsibility for marketing hazardous or controversial pesticides in the Global South, and the actual capacity of countries to conduct independent risk assessments rather than relying solely on the documentation provided by manufacturers.<\/p>\n <p>BASF was also among the companies that faced criticism from international environmental organizations for continuing to export certain chemicals to markets outside Europe\u2014including Tunisia\u2014despite stricter restrictions on them within the European Union. This is the same controversy that is currently being raised in Tunisia regarding pesticides classified as \u201chighly hazardous\u201d and in use in the agricultural sector.<\/p>\n <\/section>\n\n <section id=\"sec-justice\" class=\"article-section\">\n <h2>A Rigid Judicial System, Disjointed Agencies, and Diffused Responsibility<\/h2>\n <p>Beyond academic studies and media reports, the Tunisian judiciary itself has provided concrete evidence of the scale of the complex problem surrounding the relationship between agricultural activities and companies that distribute pesticides and chemical fertilizers. In March 2026, the Criminal Chamber of the Tunis Court of Appeals\u2014which specializes in financial corruption cases\u2014handed down sentences ranging from 8 to 9 years in prison against a number of businessmen in a case involving the sale of expired agricultural pesticides. This reveals that the issue is no longer merely an administrative breach of standards, but has escalated to the level of crimes that threaten food security and expose criminal practices that show no regard whatsoever for human and animal health or for agricultural and aquatic resources.<\/p>\n <p>Although the ruling relates to the sale of expired substances and comes within a complex and multifaceted political context, it raises a fundamental question about whether the Tunisian judiciary is capable of issuing such strict rulings regarding the thousands of metric tons of pesticides being sold under the cover of Tunisian law, despite their containing banned active ingredients.<\/p>\n <p>Given the importance of this question, the Social Accountability Association sought to address it, attributing it to a fundamental distinction between a clear, specific crime\u2014such as the sale of a spoiled or expired product\u2014and an indirect crime, such as authorizing a hazardous substance within a fully legal commercial cycle. This distinction explains why Tunisia\u2019s legislative framework, despite the multitude of relevant provisions, remains unable to address both the most significant and the less obvious risks.<\/p>\n <p>Against the backdrop of this crisis-ridden institutional context, the findings of the Social Accountability Association\u2019s study take on added significance and hold Tunisian government agencies\u2014including the judiciary\u2014accountable for their responsibilities to protect the environment and safeguard the rights of future generations.<\/p>\n <p>The study documented that Tunisia imported approximately 4,161 metric tons of pesticides in 2022 alone, according to the \u201cPesticide Atlas\u201d published by the Heinrich B\u00f6ll Foundation, whereas officially declared consumption does not exceed 985 metric tons, according to the Food and Agriculture Organization. This huge gap is explained, according to the study, by weak tracking systems and the existence of informal distribution channels.<\/p>\n \n \n <div class=\"chart-box\">\n <div class=\"chart-header\">\n <h4><i class=\"fa-solid fa-chart-column\"><\/i> Gap Between Imported and Officially Declared Pesticide Quantities (2022)<\/h4>\n <span class=\"chart-badge\">Interactive<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <div class=\"chart-canvas-wrapper\">\n <canvas id=\"chartPesticidesGap\"><\/canvas>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n\n <p>In addition, the study documented the presence of 44 highly hazardous active ingredients that remain approved or are still on the market in Tunisia, including chlorpyrifos itself, which *Le Monde* had documented years ago.<\/p>\n <p>From a public health perspective, the study was based on a clinical study that reviewed forensic medical records at Farhat Hached Hospital in Sousse, identifying 130 deaths caused by pesticide poisoning between 1991 and 2009, representing 41.9% of all fatal poisoning deaths during that period, It should be noted that 92.3% of these deaths occurred in the context of apparent suicide, which necessitates expanding the analysis from physiological toxicity to the social accessibility of these lethal substances in rural communities plagued by vulnerability and unemployment.<\/p>\n <p>As for chronic occupational exposure, a scientific study involving 142 agricultural workers found that 66.2% of them suffered from frequent headaches, and 58.4% from eye irritation, with blood tests showing a significant decrease in red blood cell and platelet counts among workers continuously exposed to pesticides.<\/p>\n <p>Even more alarming is that 48.6% of these workers do not use any personal protective equipment at all, and 71.1% of them do not even know what such equipment is, while 96.5% of them receive their agricultural guidance from the pesticide sellers themselves, rather than from specialized engineers or technicians. This brings back to the forefront the question raised years ago by Arab researcher Bouqra regarding the need to separate agricultural guidance from the direct commercial interests associated with the sale of these materials.<\/p>\n\n \n <div class=\"chart-box\">\n <div class=\"chart-header\">\n <h4><i class=\"fa-solid fa-user-injured\"><\/i> Health Impacts and Lack of Awareness\/Protection Among Agricultural Workers<\/h4>\n <span class=\"chart-badge\">Interactive<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <div class=\"chart-canvas-wrapper\">\n <canvas id=\"chartWorkersHealth\"><\/canvas>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n\n <p>One of the most striking examples of the inability of Tunisia\u2019s official institutions to address this issue is the fate of the Tunisian \u201cEnvironmental Police,\u201d which was effectively established in 2017 with the aim of combating pollution and protecting the environment, and whose officers were granted the authority to conduct inspections, issue citations, and impose fines.<\/p>\n <p>However, this agency\u2014which emerged from the chaos that gripped the country following the 2011 revolution due to the erosion of the state\u2019s regulatory authority\u2014has, from its inception, faced jurisdictional conflicts with other agencies such as the municipal police, the Forest Protection Units under the Ministry of Agriculture, and others in the absence of a clear enabling law that defines and regulates the division of responsibilities among them.<\/p>\n <p>On February 24, 2023, Presidential Decree No. 5 of 2023 was issued, providing for the abolition of the Environmental Police Agency in its current form and authorizing sworn and qualified officers from local authorities\u2014to be trained by the Ministry of the Interior\u2014to carry out the same duties.<\/p>\n <p>Commenting on this decision, Tunisian experts\u2014including Hatem Al-Maliki, an expert in local governance\u2014noted in a press statement that \u201cDecrees No. 5 and No. 9 of 2023 contributed to the dissolution of the environmental police, which had become \u2018a branch without a charter, lost amid overlapping responsibilities, amid ongoing ambiguity and the absence of a basic legal text that precisely defines the structures and agencies involved in monitoring and deterring municipal and environmental violations,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n <p>The result, according to numerous reports, is that an agency established to address a real environmental challenge was dissolved after only six years without being replaced by any clearly defined institutional reform, leaving a regulatory vacuum at a time when scientifically documented levels of agricultural pollution are on the rise.<\/p>\n\n \n <div class=\"scroll-image-showcase\">\n <div class=\"scroll-image-frame\">\n <img decoding=\"async\" src=\"data:image\/svg+xml,%3Csvg%20xmlns%3D'http%3A%2F%2Fwww.w3.org%2F2000%2Fsvg'%20width='_w_'%20height='_h_'%20viewBox%3D'0%200%20_w_%20_h_'%2F%3E\" data-czlz data-src=\"https:\/\/accountability.tn\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/08\/Industrial_hand_pushing_pesticid\u2026_2K_202608180216-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"Farmers and pesticides\" class=\"scroll-image-img\">\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n \n <\/section>\n\n <section id=\"sec-water\" class=\"article-section\">\n <h2>At the Heart of the Contradictions: Between Water Scarcity and Water Pollution<\/h2>\n <p>Among all the sites that epitomize Tunisia\u2019s agricultural pollution crisis, the Majarda Valley stands out as a prime example. This river, which originates in Souk Ahras, Algeria, and flows 350 kilometers through Tunisian territory before emptying into the Gulf of Tunis, provides approximately 811 million cubic meters of water annually, and is considered the country\u2019s only permanent water source, making it the lifeblood of agriculture and water supply for the entire northern region of Tunisia.<\/p>\n <p>However, on-the-ground observations, official reports, and reports from nongovernmental organizations such as the Tunisian Nomad Association reveal a dangerous paradox: treated water\u2014which is supposed to be part of the solution in a country suffering from water scarcity\u2014has in fact become one of the main sources of pollution in the Majarda Valley.<\/p>\n <p>A study conducted by the Tunisian Water Observatory indicates that more than 60% of this water does not meet standards, and that the National Agency for the Protection of the Environment, which has been legally responsible for monitoring wastewater treatment plants since their establishment in 1988, did not actually conduct any monitoring of these plants until 2011\u201423 years after its founding. This means that, for more than two decades, Tunisia had no documented data on the composition of the water discharged into the valley, which irrigates tens of thousands of hectares and feeds several dams that supply the population with potable water.<\/p>\n \n \n <div class=\"chart-box\">\n <div class=\"chart-header\">\n <h4><i class=\"fa-solid fa-droplet\"><\/i> Quality of Treated Water Directed to the Majarda Valley<\/h4>\n <span class=\"chart-badge\">Interactive<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <div class=\"chart-canvas-wrapper\" style=\"height: 300px;\">\n <canvas id=\"chartWaterPollution\"><\/canvas>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n\n <p>To make matters worse, this environmental crisis coincides with an existential water crisis that Tunisia has been facing for years. According to consistent reports, the fill level of Tunisian dams fell below 28% in early 2023\u2014a level the country has not seen since at least 1960 \u2014while the per capita water supply in Tunisia has dropped to between 350 and 450 cubic meters per year, which is below the threshold recommended by the World Health Organization (between 500 and 700 cubic meters), and below the \u201cwater scarcity\u201d threshold of 1,000 cubic meters.<\/p>\n <p>In this context, the chemical pollution of already scarce water resources becomes a double crime, as scarce water is being contaminated with chemicals at a time when the country needs every drop of it.<\/p>\n <p>This reality echoes the warning issued by the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights in a report released in early 2024, which described Tunisia as \u201cone of the water-poor countries\u201d due to a combination of drought, increased consumption, climate change, and the excessive use of water in non-essential sectors.<\/p>\n <p>Amid this bleak picture, Tunisia also presents itself as a strikingly contradictory case: it is, at the same time, the world\u2019s leading exporter of organic olive oil, where, according to recent Tunisian press reports, the value of Tunisian organic product exports is projected to reach approximately 750 million dinars in 2025, driven primarily by growing demand for organic olive oil in European and American markets, while pesticide use is limited, according to officials at the Ministry of Agriculture, to only 5% of the 2 million hectares planted with olive trees.<\/p>\n \n \n <div class=\"chart-box\">\n <div class=\"chart-header\">\n <h4><i class=\"fa-solid fa-tree\"><\/i> Reliance on Pesticides in Olive Tree Cultivation Areas<\/h4>\n <span class=\"chart-badge\">Interactive<\/span>\n <\/div>\n <div class=\"chart-canvas-wrapper\" style=\"height: 300px;\">\n <canvas id=\"chartOlivePesticides\"><\/canvas>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n\n <p>This partial success in reducing the use of chemicals in olive cultivation raises a perplexing question: If Tunisia is capable of achieving this level of excellence in the organic olive sector, why does this model remain confined to a narrow segment of agricultural production, while the rest of the sectors\u2014from vegetables to fruits to major crops\u2014continue to rely on an intensive use of chemical inputs?<\/p>\n <p>In fact, the answer lies in the financial returns generated by increased production of olive oil for export and the high added value it brings to the Tunisian economy, but this presents us with another dilemma.<\/p>\n <p>Historically, the olive tree in Tunisia has been regarded as the \u201cblessed tree,\u201d not only because of its cultural and historical symbolism, but also because it represents one of the most important pillars of the agricultural economy.<\/p>\n <p>Tunisia has more than 100 million olive trees covering nearly one-third of its agricultural land and is one of the world\u2019s largest producers and exporters of olive oil; however, this status masks an important paradox: Olives have long been considered a drought-tolerant crop, but changes in the sector over recent decades have led to an increasing portion of production relying on intensive irrigation.<\/p>\n <p>In the past, the overwhelming majority of olive groves were grown using rain-fed methods (without regular irrigation), especially in the central and southern regions, Today, with the focus on increasing productivity, improving yields, and boosting exports, irrigated olive cultivation has expanded significantly to the point where it now dominates in terms of area, particularly in the coastal regions and the northeast.<\/p>\n <p>These contradictions place Tunisia at the center of a complex crisis involving an agricultural sector that relies on irrigated crops\u2014including olive groves\u2014and consumes approximately 80% of water resources, and a drought crisis that requires practical plans to conserve water resources, as well as the risks of contamination from the use of pesticides and fertilizers containing hazardous active ingredients that threaten the remaining water supplies.<\/p>\n\n \n <div class=\"scroll-image-showcase\">\n <div class=\"scroll-image-frame\">\n <img decoding=\"async\" src=\"data:image\/svg+xml,%3Csvg%20xmlns%3D'http%3A%2F%2Fwww.w3.org%2F2000%2Fsvg'%20width='_w_'%20height='_h_'%20viewBox%3D'0%200%20_w_%20_h_'%2F%3E\" data-czlz data-src=\"https:\/\/accountability.tn\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/08\/Collage_depicting_water_scarcity\u2026_202608180216.jpeg\" alt=\"Water resource pollution\" class=\"scroll-image-img\">\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n \n <\/section>\n\n <section id=\"sec-conclusion\" class=\"article-section\">\n <p>What becomes clear when reading the original study alongside journalistic investigations, court rulings, and international reports is that agricultural pollution in Tunisia is not merely a \u201cgap between law and practice\u201d\u2014as the study cautiously describes it\u2014but rather the result of an integrated cycle of intertwined interests: Global chemical companies that profit from exporting what they ban on their own soil; local distributors who have effectively become \u201cagricultural advisors\u201d; regulatory bodies that are created and then dissolved without any real reform; and farmers who, along with consumers and future generations, bear the health and environmental costs of a system they did not design and have no power to change.<\/p>\n <p>The question raised by this investigation\u2014going beyond the conclusions of the original study\u2014is not only regarding the relationship between ownership and the existence of political will for reform, but also extends to examining who truly benefits from the continuation of this situation? And why do institutions act swiftly and strictly when it comes to expired pesticides (with prison sentences of up to nine years), while they deal with dangerous but legally licensed active ingredients with utter slowness? And can the successful organic model in the olive sector become a genuine political catalyst for comprehensive agricultural transformation, or will it remain a limited export exception in a sea of chemical dependency?<\/p>\n <\/section>\n\n <\/main>\n\n \n <script>\n \/\/ 1. 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